Frauendemo in Theran
Hier der Aufruf zur Demo:
Our Protest Against Violations of Women's Rights in the Iranian Constitution
Declaration Number One
After years of protesting against discriminations between women and men in different spheres (such as unequal legal rights), we, women are still deprived of our fundamental rights. Among us, we may locate the roots of the violations of our rights differently: In the laws, in sexist interpretations, in customs and traditions, or in hierarchical and dominant structures in Iran and throughout the world. However, without a doubt, one of the standing obstacles to changing women's current status and a major factor in reaching a dead-end in our efforts are the ruling laws and their foundation, the Constitution.
Principle 20 of the Constitution states: "All citizens of the country, whether men or women, equally enjoy the protection of the law and enjoy all human, political, economic, social, and cultural rights, in conformity with Islamic criteria." It is important to note that in this principle "all citizens, whether men or women," are considered equal not in terms of their "rights" but in terms of the "protection" that the law provides, based on Islamic criteria. Those who are endowed with the power to interpret maintain that they pursue a "balance" of differing rights and not "equal rights" between women and men. And this can be seen throughout the Constitution.
Principle 21 stipulates: " The government must ensure the rights of women in all respects, in conformity with Islamic criteria." The government's duty to protecting women's rights is referred to the interpretation of Islamic criteria, once again. In reality, all of the Constitution's provisions concerning women are conditioned by "conformity to Islamic criteria." The specific interpretation of the Islamic principle concerning women appears in the Constitution's preamble, which primarily situates women in an orthodox and traditional family. Other groups of women are unrecognized in the Constitution. In the preamble, under the section, "Women in the Constitution," it holds: "The family is the fundamental unit of society and the main center for the growth and edification of human being. Compatibility with respect to belief and ideal, which provides the primary basis for man's development and growth, is the main consideration in the establishment of a family. It is the duty of the Islamic government to provide the necessary facilities for the attainment of this goal. This view of the family unit delivers woman from being regarded as an object or instrument in the service of promoting consumerism and exploitation. Not only does woman recover thereby her momentous and precious function of motherhood, rearing of ideologically committed human beings, she also assumes a pioneering social role and becomes the fellow struggler of man in all vital areas of life."
In reality, all the principles of the Constitution are based on this interpretation of "women as mother" and as "raiser of devout humans." As such, when referring to the government's duties, Principle 21 views women strictly as mothers or women without household heads. And the right they reserve under this definition of womanhood (motherhood) is the granting of child custody to deserving women in the absence of the "Sharia-ordained guardian" (men of the family).
The Constitution views women in no role other than mother, and as such, presupposes male leaders at the highest levels of political and social management. To run as a Presidential candidate, the qualification of being a political "rejal" is stipulated, which has been interpreted by higher authorities as being a male person.
Another problem with the existing Constitution as it relates to women (especially from the perspective of those who view violations of women's rights as a problem of sexist interpretations) is that all of its provisions are conditioned by dominant interpretations of Islamic principles. It has been the case that those who hold power are able to offer dominant interpretations and women, who are amongst the weakest social strata, can never offer alternative interpretations of any weight and influence. Needless to say, the depth and breadth of any interpretation is contingent upon the powers, opportunities, and institutions available to various groups in society. It is obvious that groups which hold exclusive military and security power, control culture and information and countless other resources, including the media, can impose their own interpretations on society.
The Constitution has reached a dead-end as it concerns women because the laws are not self-derived but rather, are open to official interpretation and dependent upon power-holders within the political structure and powerful official religious institutions. Women, who are considered the weakest link in society's power chain, cannot affect the necessary changes in the laws because the will of the citizenry (especially third-class citizens like women) is overshadowed by un-elected institutions, which hold interpretative power, as provided in the Constitution.
Even if the interpretation of official laws and individual and group rights were in the hands of elected institutions (as is the case in democratic countries), women, as a group with less access to power, would have great difficulty offering their own interpretations of women's rights to elected officials, let alone to un-elected appointed bodies. The more the relationship between un-elected state institutions and the citizenry is pyramid-structured and vertical, the more women and their rights are sidelined. And the more women will face an uphill battle to change conditions and laws to their favor in comparison to men.
The women's movement in Iran has endeavored to use all available civil avenues and opportunities to gain their rights as citizens and human beings. However, the current historically sensitive period and the potential for reactionary movements and/or political extremism requires the women's movement to face the reality that under the current state of affairs, seeking civil justice from the Constitution and protesting the breach of women's rights of citizenship can be an effective step towards achieving democracy and peace and self-determination of the citizenry.
Although though the women's movement encompasses a wide and diverse spectrum of social, cultural, and political activists, at the current juncture, they suffer a common injury: belittlement of the citizen. The least of which was witnessed with the elimination of women candidates for the presidency. More gravely, the Constitution's belittlement of women as active social participants has blocked their ability to secure their rights. We are forced to seek justice and show our civil opposition at the current sensitive juncture by fulfilling our social and gendered responsibility. Undoubtedly, we need each other's assistance to make our voices clearer and our protests more effective.
With this, activists of the women's movement, comprising a wide spectrum of non-governmental women's organizations, professors, researchers, journalists, legal scholars, artists, and ethnic minority groups, invite all women and men who oppose violations of women's rights in the Constitution, the denial of minority women's rights, and women's legal belittlement, to join a sit-in protest on Sunday, June 12, from 5-6 pm outside the main gate of Tehran University on Enqelab Street.
Group Signatories
Women's Cultural Center
Center of Hastia Andish
Women in Iran website
Iran Women's Watch
Hamava (Homa) Women's Group
The Noandish Center of Women of Iran
The Noandish Society of Iran
Society for the Protection of Unemployed Women
The Pezhvak Group
Hava Research Institute
Association of Young Journalists
Founding Women Members of Workers' Syndicates
Center of Women Defenders of Peace and Human Rights
Association Without Borders
Islamic Association of Al-Zahra University
Protectors of the Kurdestan's Environment Women's Group (The Green Path)
Pioneering Women of Marivan Association
Cultural/ Artistic Association of Marivan Women
Azarmehr Women's Association of Sanandaj
Public Sphere Center of University of Tehran
Student Democratic Association of the University of Tehran
The Linguistic Feminist Core of Women of the College of Social Sciences of Allameh Tabatabaii University
The Nama Student Newsletter of Allameh Tabatabaii University
The Shokaran Student Newsletter of the College of Social Sciences of Allameh Tabatabaii University
The Sahar Student Newsletter of the College of Social Sciences of Allameh Tabatabaii University
The Payman Newsletter of the College of Social Sciences of Allameh Tabatabaii University
The Cultural Society of the College of Social Sciences of the University of Tehran
The Nasl-e Sevvom Student Newsletter
The Society of Women Journalists of Iran (Roza)
The Golgasht-e Zeytun Group of Isfahan
Group of Women Workers of Isfahan
Individual signatories
Simin Behbahani, Noushin Ahmadi Khorasani, Parvin Ardalan, Mahboubeh Abbas-Gholizadeh, Mansoureh Shojaee, Fatemeh Farhangkhah, Homa Zarafshan, Gohar Shemirani, Marzieh Morteza Langeroudi, Fatemeh Govaraee, Nasrin Sotoudeh, Nayereh Tavakoli, Fariba Davoudi Mohajer, Shahla Lahiji, Mehrangiz Kar, Shahla Entezari, Shadi Sadr, Manijeh Hekmat, Rafat Zein-ed-Din, Nasrin Afzali, Jelveh Javaheri, Sara Loqmani, Nahid Kamousi, Aqdas Charvandeh, Tahmineh Biazar, Parvaneh Milani, Azarang Jabari, Donya Biazar, Mehrahang Jabari, Jila Bashiri, Mona Mohamadzadeh, Nahid Entesari, Khadijeh Moqadam, Sima Afshar, Roya Toloui, Farideh Entesari, Bita Tahbaz, Maryam Omy, Elham Qamsari, Sharareh Abdi, Layla Moori, Negar Bayat, Nahid Mirhaj, Fakhri Shadfar, Massoumeh Loqmani, Firouzeh Mohajer, Farnaz Seify, Shirin Mousavi, Samira Kalhor, Fatemeh Baban, Sanaz Allah Bedashti, Masoumeh Naseri, Parastou Dokouhaki, Nahid Keshavarz, Jila Baniyaqoub, Nahid Tavassoli, Talat Taghinia, Farzaneh Taheri, Simin Marashi, Mahsa Shekarloo, Tina Golzarian, Lida Bolouri.
Our Protest Against Violations of Women's Rights in the Iranian Constitution
Declaration Number One
After years of protesting against discriminations between women and men in different spheres (such as unequal legal rights), we, women are still deprived of our fundamental rights. Among us, we may locate the roots of the violations of our rights differently: In the laws, in sexist interpretations, in customs and traditions, or in hierarchical and dominant structures in Iran and throughout the world. However, without a doubt, one of the standing obstacles to changing women's current status and a major factor in reaching a dead-end in our efforts are the ruling laws and their foundation, the Constitution.
Principle 20 of the Constitution states: "All citizens of the country, whether men or women, equally enjoy the protection of the law and enjoy all human, political, economic, social, and cultural rights, in conformity with Islamic criteria." It is important to note that in this principle "all citizens, whether men or women," are considered equal not in terms of their "rights" but in terms of the "protection" that the law provides, based on Islamic criteria. Those who are endowed with the power to interpret maintain that they pursue a "balance" of differing rights and not "equal rights" between women and men. And this can be seen throughout the Constitution.
Principle 21 stipulates: " The government must ensure the rights of women in all respects, in conformity with Islamic criteria." The government's duty to protecting women's rights is referred to the interpretation of Islamic criteria, once again. In reality, all of the Constitution's provisions concerning women are conditioned by "conformity to Islamic criteria." The specific interpretation of the Islamic principle concerning women appears in the Constitution's preamble, which primarily situates women in an orthodox and traditional family. Other groups of women are unrecognized in the Constitution. In the preamble, under the section, "Women in the Constitution," it holds: "The family is the fundamental unit of society and the main center for the growth and edification of human being. Compatibility with respect to belief and ideal, which provides the primary basis for man's development and growth, is the main consideration in the establishment of a family. It is the duty of the Islamic government to provide the necessary facilities for the attainment of this goal. This view of the family unit delivers woman from being regarded as an object or instrument in the service of promoting consumerism and exploitation. Not only does woman recover thereby her momentous and precious function of motherhood, rearing of ideologically committed human beings, she also assumes a pioneering social role and becomes the fellow struggler of man in all vital areas of life."
In reality, all the principles of the Constitution are based on this interpretation of "women as mother" and as "raiser of devout humans." As such, when referring to the government's duties, Principle 21 views women strictly as mothers or women without household heads. And the right they reserve under this definition of womanhood (motherhood) is the granting of child custody to deserving women in the absence of the "Sharia-ordained guardian" (men of the family).
The Constitution views women in no role other than mother, and as such, presupposes male leaders at the highest levels of political and social management. To run as a Presidential candidate, the qualification of being a political "rejal" is stipulated, which has been interpreted by higher authorities as being a male person.
Another problem with the existing Constitution as it relates to women (especially from the perspective of those who view violations of women's rights as a problem of sexist interpretations) is that all of its provisions are conditioned by dominant interpretations of Islamic principles. It has been the case that those who hold power are able to offer dominant interpretations and women, who are amongst the weakest social strata, can never offer alternative interpretations of any weight and influence. Needless to say, the depth and breadth of any interpretation is contingent upon the powers, opportunities, and institutions available to various groups in society. It is obvious that groups which hold exclusive military and security power, control culture and information and countless other resources, including the media, can impose their own interpretations on society.
The Constitution has reached a dead-end as it concerns women because the laws are not self-derived but rather, are open to official interpretation and dependent upon power-holders within the political structure and powerful official religious institutions. Women, who are considered the weakest link in society's power chain, cannot affect the necessary changes in the laws because the will of the citizenry (especially third-class citizens like women) is overshadowed by un-elected institutions, which hold interpretative power, as provided in the Constitution.
Even if the interpretation of official laws and individual and group rights were in the hands of elected institutions (as is the case in democratic countries), women, as a group with less access to power, would have great difficulty offering their own interpretations of women's rights to elected officials, let alone to un-elected appointed bodies. The more the relationship between un-elected state institutions and the citizenry is pyramid-structured and vertical, the more women and their rights are sidelined. And the more women will face an uphill battle to change conditions and laws to their favor in comparison to men.
The women's movement in Iran has endeavored to use all available civil avenues and opportunities to gain their rights as citizens and human beings. However, the current historically sensitive period and the potential for reactionary movements and/or political extremism requires the women's movement to face the reality that under the current state of affairs, seeking civil justice from the Constitution and protesting the breach of women's rights of citizenship can be an effective step towards achieving democracy and peace and self-determination of the citizenry.
Although though the women's movement encompasses a wide and diverse spectrum of social, cultural, and political activists, at the current juncture, they suffer a common injury: belittlement of the citizen. The least of which was witnessed with the elimination of women candidates for the presidency. More gravely, the Constitution's belittlement of women as active social participants has blocked their ability to secure their rights. We are forced to seek justice and show our civil opposition at the current sensitive juncture by fulfilling our social and gendered responsibility. Undoubtedly, we need each other's assistance to make our voices clearer and our protests more effective.
With this, activists of the women's movement, comprising a wide spectrum of non-governmental women's organizations, professors, researchers, journalists, legal scholars, artists, and ethnic minority groups, invite all women and men who oppose violations of women's rights in the Constitution, the denial of minority women's rights, and women's legal belittlement, to join a sit-in protest on Sunday, June 12, from 5-6 pm outside the main gate of Tehran University on Enqelab Street.
Group Signatories
Women's Cultural Center
Center of Hastia Andish
Women in Iran website
Iran Women's Watch
Hamava (Homa) Women's Group
The Noandish Center of Women of Iran
The Noandish Society of Iran
Society for the Protection of Unemployed Women
The Pezhvak Group
Hava Research Institute
Association of Young Journalists
Founding Women Members of Workers' Syndicates
Center of Women Defenders of Peace and Human Rights
Association Without Borders
Islamic Association of Al-Zahra University
Protectors of the Kurdestan's Environment Women's Group (The Green Path)
Pioneering Women of Marivan Association
Cultural/ Artistic Association of Marivan Women
Azarmehr Women's Association of Sanandaj
Public Sphere Center of University of Tehran
Student Democratic Association of the University of Tehran
The Linguistic Feminist Core of Women of the College of Social Sciences of Allameh Tabatabaii University
The Nama Student Newsletter of Allameh Tabatabaii University
The Shokaran Student Newsletter of the College of Social Sciences of Allameh Tabatabaii University
The Sahar Student Newsletter of the College of Social Sciences of Allameh Tabatabaii University
The Payman Newsletter of the College of Social Sciences of Allameh Tabatabaii University
The Cultural Society of the College of Social Sciences of the University of Tehran
The Nasl-e Sevvom Student Newsletter
The Society of Women Journalists of Iran (Roza)
The Golgasht-e Zeytun Group of Isfahan
Group of Women Workers of Isfahan
Individual signatories
Simin Behbahani, Noushin Ahmadi Khorasani, Parvin Ardalan, Mahboubeh Abbas-Gholizadeh, Mansoureh Shojaee, Fatemeh Farhangkhah, Homa Zarafshan, Gohar Shemirani, Marzieh Morteza Langeroudi, Fatemeh Govaraee, Nasrin Sotoudeh, Nayereh Tavakoli, Fariba Davoudi Mohajer, Shahla Lahiji, Mehrangiz Kar, Shahla Entezari, Shadi Sadr, Manijeh Hekmat, Rafat Zein-ed-Din, Nasrin Afzali, Jelveh Javaheri, Sara Loqmani, Nahid Kamousi, Aqdas Charvandeh, Tahmineh Biazar, Parvaneh Milani, Azarang Jabari, Donya Biazar, Mehrahang Jabari, Jila Bashiri, Mona Mohamadzadeh, Nahid Entesari, Khadijeh Moqadam, Sima Afshar, Roya Toloui, Farideh Entesari, Bita Tahbaz, Maryam Omy, Elham Qamsari, Sharareh Abdi, Layla Moori, Negar Bayat, Nahid Mirhaj, Fakhri Shadfar, Massoumeh Loqmani, Firouzeh Mohajer, Farnaz Seify, Shirin Mousavi, Samira Kalhor, Fatemeh Baban, Sanaz Allah Bedashti, Masoumeh Naseri, Parastou Dokouhaki, Nahid Keshavarz, Jila Baniyaqoub, Nahid Tavassoli, Talat Taghinia, Farzaneh Taheri, Simin Marashi, Mahsa Shekarloo, Tina Golzarian, Lida Bolouri.
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Ergänzungen
To all women who suffer from inequality
bei unserem Kampf gegen Patriarchat und Unterdrückung
Eine Koalition von iranischen Organisationen und Aktiven hat sich zusammengefunden, um sich den mittelalterlichen, gegen Frauen gerichteten Gesetzen zu widersetzen.
Für Frauen ist es an der Tagesordnung auf der Straße bedrängt zu werden, weil sie sich nicht an die strikte Kleiderordnung halten, weil eine Locke ihres Haares zu sehen ist. Für Ehebruch werden Frauen hingerichtet, ja sogar zu Tode gesteinigt. Frauen sind wie Sklaven an ihre Ehemänner gefesselt, die darüber bestimmen, ob sie arbeiten oder reisen dürfen. Frauen haben kein Sorgerecht für ihre Kinder, kein Recht auf Abtreibung und unser Recht auf Scheidung ist sehr stark eingeschränkt.... Frauen ist der Zugang zu vielen öffentlichen Ämtern verwehrt. Bei Gericht ist die Zeugenaussage einer Frau nur halb so viel wert wie die eines Mannes. Der Erb-Anteil einer Frau ist nur halb so groß wie der eines Mannes....
Für Frauen ist das Leben in Iran die Hölle auf Erden. Diese extremen Bedingungen werden uns von einer Regierung auferlegt, die sich selbst als Vertreter Gottes ansieht.
Aber wir haben uns in jeder Minute dieser vergangenen 26 Jahre zur Wehr gesetzt. Auf der Straße, indem wir nicht den strengen Hijab tragen, in den Mühlen der Justiz, indem wir für unser Recht auf Scheidung und um das Sorgerecht für unsere Kinder streiten. Wir kämpften mit den Mitteln der Veröffentlichung von Schriften, oder indem wir laut unsere Stimme erhoben, indem wir für gleiche Studienchancen stritten (heute bilden Frauen die Mehrheit der Studierenden an den Universitäten). Wir beugten uns nicht den unmenschlichen Bedingungen, die uns von den mittelalterlichen Gesetzen auferlegt wurden. Wir sagten Nein!
Als die Islamische Republik Revolutionäre und andere oppositionelle Kräfte folterte und exekutierte und uns Frauen unter den Schleier zwang, verschlossen die westlichen Regierungen davor die Augen. Ihr einziges Interesse lag darin, Waffen nach Iran zu verkaufen und ihre bösartigen, auf Geldmacherei ausgelegten Prinzipien der Globalisierung voranzutreiben. Nun, wo die iranische Regierung in ernsthaften Schwierigkeiten steckt und die Frauenbewegung in Iran unübersehbar stark geworden ist, versuchen sie ihr Regime zu verändern und geben vor, die Retter der iranischen Frauen zu sein.
Wir haben die Misere bei unseren Schwestern in Afghanistan und Irak gesehen, und wie sich die Situation der afghanischen Frauen in keiner Weise verbesserte, oder wie sich die Situation in Irak nach Invasion und Besetzung dramatisch verschlimmerte. Wir weigern uns, als Vorwand herzuhalten für den Drang der USA und anderen westlichen Staaten nach billigerem Öl, größeren Profiten und schnellerer Globalisierung.
Wir haben beschlossen, all unsere Anstrengungen auf den Kampf gegen islamische Gesetze und Strafmaßnahmen gegen Frauen zu konzentrieren, um sicher zu stellen, dass weder die Islamische Republik noch irgendeine andere von den USA oder anderen interessierten Kreisen stattdessen installierte Regierung uns wie Bürger zweiter Klasse behandeln kann.
Wir brauchen keinerlei vergiftete Sympathiebekundungen von Bush und seinesgleichen, aber wir rufen alle fortschrittlichen Kräfte und all jene, die von einer anderen Welt träumen, dazu auf, uns in unserem Kampf zu unterstützen. Die wahren Kämpfe in der heutigen Welt spielen sich nicht zwischen Bush und den Moslems ab, sondern zwischen denjenigen, die unter Ausbeutung und Unterdrückung leiden, und jenen Kräften, welche diese Ungerechtigkeiten aufrecht erhalten und fortführen, seien es Bush, Blair, die Herrschenden in Iran oder sonst irgendwo.
Es gibt viele Frauen, die der Hölle in Iran entflohen und im Ausland Asyl suchten, aber die westlichen Regierungen weigern sich sie als Flüchtlinge anzuerkennen. Diese Weigerung spricht jeder möglichen Verbesserung der Situation der Frauen in Iran Hohn. Wir fordern ein Recht auf Asyl für alle diese Frauen.
Die iranischen Frauen haben mutige Schritte im Kampf gegen das Patriarchat unternommen, und dies ist nicht alleine unser Kampf. Das Patriarchat kann in vielen verschiedenen Formen daherkommen, aber es kennt keine Grenzen. Kommt und unterstützt unsere Kampagne. Gemeinsam sind wir stärker in unserem Kampf. Gemeinsam können wir gewinnen.
Kampagne gegen ungerechte Gesetzgebung und islamische Bestrafungsmethoden.
Info: www.8mars.com
To all women who suffer from inequality2
London
50 Kensington court, LondonW8
High Street Kensington
To all women who suffer from inequality
To all activists and organisations of the Iranian women’s Movement
In the last 26 years, Islamic legislation has deprived Iranian women of the most basic human rights. Forced veil has reduced women to second class citizens. Honour killing is legal and women are condemned to hanging and death by stoning for ‘unchaste behaviour’.
Forced segregation has lead to women’s isolation, reducing their role in society. The youth are deprived of free association . Homosexuals are pursued as criminals. Polygamy and temporary marriages (Sigheh) are not only legal but they are promoted by the state.
Legislation regarding marriage and divorce, has deprived women of a free choice in finding a spouse, the right to have children, the right to become guardian of their own children, the right to choose employment, the right to work or not to work, the right to travel.
For 26 years, the Iranian theocratic state has secured the imposition of all these anti women laws with street vigilantes, courts, prisons, hanging and stoning to death.
It is 26 years that deprivation from basic rights has made women’s lives hell. Addiction, prostitution, suicide, self-immolation are increasing at a frightening rate amongst women.
For the last 26 years, our struggle against inequality has taken many forms. In the streets, in the first demonstrations against forced veil, in prisons and under horrific torture, when young prisoners were raped so that they would not ‘ascend to heaven’. Iranian women have fought daily against security forces who attack them for ‘insufficient veil’, in the corridors of divorce and custody courts, against sexual discrimination in schools and universities… We have fought in so many ways to prove our existence, against these anti-women legislations and the prevailing patriarchal culture.
In recent struggles, we have made sure the world remembers Zahra Kazemi, we have delayed the death by stoning of Hajiyeh and we have managed to obtain the release of Afsaneh Norouzi form prison. However as long as the unequal, anti women legislations remain, women will not escape slavery. As long as these laws exist, women like Atefeh will be executed, others will be stoned to death like Shahgol.
These enslaving laws are the pillars of the religious state in Iran. These laws and all the repressive organs guaranteeing their implementation make sure women are held down completely. Without the abolition of these laws, the separation of state and religion is meaningless. It is up to every free minded person to raise her/his voice against these anti human laws and to struggle for their abolition. The battle to abolish these laws is a struggle to overthrow Iran’s Islamic regime and for the establishment of a different order, where women’s equality in all aspects are recognized and guaranteed.
When these medieval laws were passed, when they forced the veil on our heads and when they executed political opponents, Western governments watched in quiet satisfaction. Now that our struggles have forced the regime to retreat, now that we have made the world hear our voices, they falsely claim support for us. The experience of women throughout the world, especially in Afghanistan and Iraq has proved that the current political, economic and military powers of the world offer nothing but more poverty and exploitation. Everything we have achieved so far has been through our own efforts and it will be the same in future.
Let us join forces and create a powerful united campaign to eradicate these unequal laws and Islamic punishments against women as soon as possible. Let us make our voice in opposition to these laws heard throughout the world. Let us create such a storm that no one would ever dare impose such retrograde laws on us.
Campaign for the abolition of all legislation confirming inequality and imposing Islamic punishment on Iranian Women.
8 March Women Organization (Iranian-Afghanistani), International Association of Advanced Women, Women’s Committee of the Iranian Association in London,
Simin Azad, Bita Asghari, Maryam Afrasiabpoor, Ashrafsadat Omidmehr, Mahzad Omidmehr, Mahraz Omidmehr, Sina Ansari, Shole Irani, Zivar Bamiri, Parvane Bokah, Nahid Bahmani, Nahid Bagheri, Iran Parvaresh, Maryam Pooya, Asti Pirooti, Laleh Hosseinpoor, Mitra Hoghoughi, Firouzeh Rad, Mahshid Rasti, Saba Rahi, Mino Sotoodeh, Parvaneh Soltani, Azizeh Shahmoradi, Gissoo Shakeri, Elahe Shokraee, Azita Shafazand, Bano Saberi, Mino Samadi, Setare Abassi, Maryam Azimi, Homa Alizadeh, Zahra Erfani, Homa Ghafoori, Akhgar Farzaneh, Homa Fallah, Firouze Fouladi, Hayde Fouladi, Leila Gharaee, Amene Kakabaveh, Zahra Kameli, Ziba Karbasi, Sedighe Mohamadi, Zaman Masoodi, Azar Mossavat, Yassamin Mather, Mahnaz Moghadam, Nahid Naeemi, Hamila Neesgili, Sara Nikoo, Atousa Vali Sichani, Sandra Gibbs