Report about No Border Lesbos

Some autonomous activists 19.09.2009 14:50 Themen: Antirassismus Weltweit
How we see the No Border Camp – A reporting from autonomous participants
from different cities in Germany

There is a lot of talking about success in the reports bout the No Border in Lesbos 2009. We don't agree completely with that.
First, the story about the development, the idea and the following preparation was somehow puzzling for us. We at least see now – after the Camp – some things more clear. That's how we see it now: In Germany parts of the antiracist movement invited for the No Border and the activists from different political scenes started to prepare for travelling. In Greece the dictio (network for global social rights) was part of the preparation but only mobilised their people. Greek anarchists didn't know about the preparation till December, though the greek anarchists are an important part of the political movement about migration and the work with immigrants. Only a few anarchists knew about the upcoming camp, mostly because german autonomous friends told them about the idea.

In December the locals from Mitilini (Lesbos) were invited. There a only a few anarchists in Mitilini and they weren't sure about taking part in the preparation of the No Border. Some saw a chance in taking part to support the political actions about migration on the island, others objected totally because they (like other anarchists in Greece) don't wanted to work together with dictio. Also the anarchists groups in Thessaloniki and Athens refused to take part because of their political differences with dictio. They didn't want to work together with them. That was not surprising at all, because normally the don't work together. There a just a few exceptions from this decision, only when the starting point is the same, then sometimes it worked out, but never, if one of the groups is just informing the others after preparing something. So there weren't any political anarchists groups from Greece taking part, only a few individuals.

But only a few internationals knew about that political decision of the anarchists not being part of the No Border. The preparation teams from Germany and Greece didn't communicate this openly. For that reason the internationals expected that they will meet – like in other No Border Camps in Germany – a lot of activists from different political scenes. Their expectation were only partly delivered. There were a lot of anarchists and autonomous activists and groups from different countries but not from Greece. That was a confusing situation. In our opinion a presentation about the history of protest at the beginning of the Camp should have made the situation more clear but unfortunately this didn't happen. At the same time and for the some reason we missed a presentation about the preparation team. That would have made the situation more clear for the internationals.

Some activists from Germany were aware of the point that the anarchists groups wouldn't take part in the No Border, but nevertheless decided to go to Mitilini. This was a political decision, because on camps like this there is always a „camp-own“ dynamic, so that it's possible to develop and to permute radical left topics and actions.

Unfortunately it wasn't like that. During the week the participants had more and more the feeling to be exploited and controlled by the preparation team. Direct actions and own ideas were blocked and dismissed with always the same reasons:

a) the former political work of the locals is is danger, if there are any confrontations on the island, because till then there were some first successes trough NGO-delegations and negotiations with the local authorities

b) direct action will harm the migrants, because they only want to get the paper to come to Athens

c) direct actions in Lesbos can't be mediated to the local people

and above all this reasons there seemed to be a more or less open fear or „hazard analysis“ that the „black bloc“ is going to destroy Mitilini completely...

The possibility that human rights policy and direct actions can be combined and complement one another wasn't seen in this discussions.

Before the No Border started officially it was clear that a lot of anarchists and autonomous activists are going to take part. According to this, there were - beside of the important direct support of the migrants in the camp and at the infopoint in Mitilini – a lot off activists, who wanted to develop responsible political actions. But already in the first action-plenaries there was shown this immense fear for direct actions that somehow also attack. So it was more and more clear that the political views about what should happen on this camp diverge completely. To sharpen it: At the end there was mostly a humanitarian human rights policy with all its facets like dealing with the authorities and play their games. Against this background we see the „fear“ of some local activists. They were afraid to loose their „power“ if there were some direct actions from anarchists and autonomous activists without them controlling it.

In this situation day for day more and more internationals were dissatisfied. Most of them came with positive experiences from other international camps and were really disappointed about the strict denial of every civil disobedience or just a tiny paint-ball.

For to make clear and transparent for the people that weren't in Militini how ideas were objected and decisions were made, we would like to go more in detail about an idea for an action at Pagani detention-centre:

After people have seen the detention-centre, there were just shocked and angry. A former store-house, where 1000 migrants are caged in a few rooms each with about 180 migrants. (Originally there were plans to put 280 people at all in Pagani.) The unacceptable circumstances in Pagani are documented on a video (

The first impulse was: “we have to shut this hole thing down”. But that's unfortunately not that easy. After talking to the people inside, it was clear that most of them didn't want to break out. Some of them for sure would have chosen the way to live illegally in Greece, but that was not common sense between them. Most of the people inside are waiting for a paper to leave the island. With this paper they are allowed to travel to athens, at the same moment the paper is an order to leave Greece within 30 days. This paper is the only legal way to leave the island. Because of the „Third Country Regulation“ of the EU the migrants are not allowed to seek for asylum in other european countries than Greece. With this paper they only can go to seek for asylum in Athens (0,1 percent allowance of claims) or to live illegally in Europe. In Pagani regularly migrants are released with this paper, sometimes more than a dozen a day, mostly because the cops arrest daily new people and take them to Pagani.

Besides there was for good reason the fear, that in case of a riot in front of the jail they cops could use tear-gas (the greek cops love it) and that could cause a uncontrollable and dangerous panic inside Pagani. Because of this reason we decided to look for a clever action to minimise the danger.

With some people we developed an action and presented it. Our idea was to rededicate the detention-centre into an open transit without cells and fences. While the people are waiting for their paper there is no need to have a jail, they can wait everywhere in Lesbos for that. To make this action in a responsible way it must have been sure that there are as less cops as possible at Pagani (only the six securities working there). Another action in the city of Mitilini, at the same time – the occupation of the prefecture – should cause enough work for the cops. Meanwhile a „technic-team“ could open everything at Pagani. Leaflets should inform the local society and the tourists about the „new transit-centre“ and about our general political demands. This action should have taken place a day before the official Pagani action day.

This proposal was presented at a delegation-meeting, where also sat some people of the preparation-team. There was a long discussion about it and finally it was blocked (specially from people in the preparation-team) for the same reason we wrote about in the beginning of this text. Instead of that it was decided that the official demonstration should take place at the day it was already planned and the prefecture should be occupied by „surprise“. With this decision it was accepted that the local police and the riot cops from athens will be at Pagani, who didn't have something against an escalating situation in front of the detention-centre.

During the discussion about our proposal we more and more got the feeling, that there was no confidence that we as international anarchist/ autonomous activists could handle the situation responsible. Rather it went out that some people just wanted to control whatever is going to happen. For some of the organisation-team their human rights policy was at the foreground, the ideas and the dynamic of the participants in the camp was completely negated and direct actions were objected and finally blocked, instead of having different actions at the same time side by side respecting each other. For us neither the release nor a riot was in the focus of our action, the only idea was to rededicate the detention-centre because the only reasons for this inhuman way treating migrants are harassment and determent. Also it was not the idea to „release“ people if they want to wait for their paper, if somebody would chose to get out of the situation, ok, everyone can chose for him or herself.

>From our proposal only the occupation of the prefecture remained. This action was not openly announced but failed because of our bad preparation. On the spontaneous delegation-meeting afterwards it wasn't even possible to decide for a spontaneous demonstration, because this „couldn't be communicated and mediated“ to the local society and the fear that the autonomous / anarchist activists are going to destroy everything stood in the foreground.

This is only one example that just should make it more transparent how ideas of direct actions were blocked on this camp. Again and again ideas were discussed so long that nothing came out of it and it needed a lot of time to figure out what kind of power games were played and by whom. For sure this kind of discussion were also part in other action-camps, but most of us had the impression that this time it was worse and that some really had a special interest in controlling everything.

The structure of power inside the camp was in-transparent, we all stayed to long in this kind of discussions instead of organising ourselves. For this situation there is also a critique on the local anarchists who partly also prepared the camp. There wasn't a clear position and some of them were also part of the blocking people. Later we understood that most of them didn't expect so many autonomous/anarchists activists with other ideas than the human rights fraction. But for them as well it was complicated to find out who is who and who wants what..

Only at the end of the camp we had a common sense that we would have needed a autonomous/anarchists plenary beside. For that there was also a proposal at the beginning, but at that time most of us thought that there will be an own camp dynamic depending on the participants and we didn't expect this blocking behaviour.

Some german antira-activists also had their hands in some of the „bottom situations“ of the week. After a demonstration in Mitilini some activists had prepared paint-balls for one office of the border police and Frontex. The demonstration ended about 100 metres before, but one group tried to mobilise people to go further in the direction of the office. One from the preparation-team for the No Border stopped them in a confrontative way and threatened them even with beating if they continue. He argued with a so called „consensus against confrontation“ of the camp that never had existed. Fascinating was also the estimation of the greek anarchists that even with some paint-balls the situation with the riot cops from Athens would escalate and we as internationals couldn't stand such a situation. Therefore they also objected this action.

To top this the greek anarchists who for political reasons didn't take part in the No Border appeared fully covered and armed out of nowhere in the demonstration with banners and greek slogans at the same time. They planned their own action without communicating their aim. About 300 activists followed them without knowing where they were going and for what. After a long while passing the dark tiny streets of Mitilini it turned out that we are on the way to a traditional greek concert where some people wanted to put some banners with political demands and held a speech on the stage about the greek migration policy. Not a bad action at all but this also shows that there was no communication at all.

What else happened?

Important and eminent was the Info-point in Mitilini. It was not planned before but spontaneous build up and it has shown the fatal migration policy in the middle of the city. First sceptical eyed by the locals day for day more locals showed up, bringing food and other needed things. There were leaflets and the migrants could get support and juridical information. A positive example was the support for a family from Afghanistan. They were not send to Pagani but to an open camp-side near the airport where they could wait for their papers. With tips and tricks some migrants were supported and with this political pressure the writings of the papers sometime went quicker. But for a lot of people their activism ended at the infopoint - of course also because they were exhausted and overstrained. Their energy and dynamic all went into the direct support and there was neither energy nor time for something else.

Also at the camp there was a dynamic that in our opinion was fatal. Trough the cooperation with local social workers at Pagani, the NGOs and Human Rights Organisations (Lawyers) the part of the human right issues were more and more the main parts. At the same time political demands or contexts between different issues were more and more unattended. Because of that the „paper“ and the released people were pointed out as the only political and most important issues. There where news about “success” daily without saying that there are also released people normally and without scandalising that the paper for the 140 released migrants were written on the 21. august – one week before their release from Pagani. Which consequences this kind of political work has, that only wants to deal and only looks for juridical solutions, was shown on Saturday in front of and inside of Pagani. Here the proposals of the people inside itself were blocked.

In the morning the people inside rebelled and the gates were opened because of their demands. Some people from the camp got there to have a look what's going on there. Because of the action against Frontex in the harbour only the usual securities and a few cops were there. So the situation was good to support the migrants but more people were needed. This was prevented by some people from the camp who communicated trough the infopoint at the camp that „everything is ok and there are enough people to support“. Probably there was the same fear that the situation could get out of control. So most of the people decided to join the great action in the harbour.

At Pagani the situation meanwhile went somehow bizzare. One woman who works at Pagani (we don't know if she is a lawyer or NGO or whatever) called the people to go inside in their cells, because she wanted to read the rest of the 140 names of the people who should be released. (The papers that already were one week old) When people of us asked why they couldn't do that while the people stayed outside, she argued that the situation is to confused to read the names and inside the situation is more under control. The protests of the few activists outside couldn't do anything against it and the people went under this pressure „voluntarily“ inside the overcrowded cells. Meanwhile some more activists arrived because it had turned out that the migrants very well wanted support.

One hour later about 50 activists got inside because of a lucky break. Some sat down, other started to talk to the people inside and also others tried to make the open gate unusable. The security and the cops were overstrained with the situation and their colleagues from Athens had enough work at the harbour. … really a good situation …. till, well, till the human rights activists again destroyed the situation and the possibilities. One of them made a deal - without someone has asked for that – with the police that we are going to leave and therefore the cops are not going to attack us. To make more pressure on the activists he also pointed out that the rest of the woman and children wouldn't be released if we stayed. He acted like a cop to sabotage this action. To make it short: The cooperation between NGO's, social workers and parts of the camp preparation scotched every action. In the opposite every – partly planned – release was pointed out as a political success of the camp.

Also in other issues it was impossible to figure out a context between contents. After a short spontaneous blockade of a military parade that takes place in Mitilini every Sunday there were a lot of critique for this action. In Greece there is unfortunately also for the radical left just a small discussion about the military. In the rest of the society there is less to no discussion. The military parade on the next Sunday was not only companied by riot cops but also by nationalists and some fascists who attacked verbally the info point. Also the military action of the greek army (in Afghanistan) is no point of discussion in Greece. Contexts like war and reasons for migration are ignored. So this action as well was criticised because of the confrontative character. Here again we missed the chance to dispute politically. Instead of that, the camp only pointed at the illegal detention and tried to encourage the dealing position of the local social workers.

In spite of all our fundamental critique there also where some good pointed actions like the boat-action in the harbour or the occupation of the roof in Pagani. There is a good documentation about all this so we don't want to stress more on this. Everyone can watch the videos. We made this report mainly because of all the “success news” coming from Lesbos and we really disagree with that point of view. We really don't want to play our role as "small sheriffs" to enforce the Geneva Convention or to be the cue ball of the local social workers. We criticise emphatically the politic of power of some of the preparation team to blockade the dynamic of the camp and the idea of having direct actions. And of course we would like to have a discussion about our critiques in Solidarity.

At the end we send solidarity greeting to the comrades in Rotterdam, keep at it!
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ACAB 19.09.2009 - 22:52
In general i agree on this statement, it is the best critique, i read so far. but concerning the situation at the end of the pagani-action-day, i would object to your impressions.

the demonstration had the consensus not to endanger the refugees, but not a no violence-consensus in general, thats true. but everywhere, everytime there is (or should be) a basic rule regarding the respect of different ways of action, militant or not: not at the same place and at the same time.

the situation at the end of the demonstration was not the way as you describe it. it is not about some paintballs, the people, who wanted to go further after the ending of the rally where not only well prepared with paint balls, but also with massive sticks, stones, and other "ammunition" to throw. it was not only the discussion to go to the harbour-building in order to throw some "tiny paintballs", there where talkings about attacking the frontex boat, and in consequence clash the pigs. so what would have very likely happened? people run back into the crowd and you would have the fatal situation of the G8 in germany, with hiding militants in the middle of peaceful people having the impression to be used as a "protection shield" against the cops, this causes separation and disrespect for other forms of action on both sides.

don´t get me wrong it is good to make militant action. but in this case I think the objections where reasonable to say: this endangers the rest of the people, not willing to participate on this way of action on the demonstration, because it is at the same time (out of the gathering in the harbour) an at the same place (the boat and the building where 200m away).
but it is true, when you say that the structures on the camp had the aim to blockade separated or conspirative forms of militance. but it is the wrong consequence to face this shitty situation, which was indeed caused by the camp-prep.-team in a way like it happened in the harbour.

more critic

assadi 19.09.2009 - 23:18
We are two international activists who live in Berlin and work locally
against the racist politics of the EU. We share most of the critics and
comments from "T h y l l a " , but we want to add some points that we
also think should be considered in the discussion:
First of all we thank a lot for the reflections of the group Thylla
concerning the No Border Camp 2009 in Lesbos. We also hope that the group
translates the text in to english as soon as posible for the people who
don't speak german.

A No Border Camp without Migrants and Refugees organisations?
We were very surprised as we arrived the camp and see almos just white
europeans discussing about what should be better for the „migrants and
refugees“ to be done. In the assemblies was talked about what „we“
(activists) should do with „them“ (migrants and refugees) to make our
Our opinion abut this behavior is the perpetuation of the european hegemony
and the steel of the voice of those who are the direct affected. Affected
not just from the racist european politics and culture, but also from the
paternalist and inconcious racism and arrogance of the activists.
For us is one of the most important things in anti-racists politics to work
together at the same level with migrants and refugees, to see them in an
equal and no hierarchical way, and to hear the different perspectives of
their voices. At the camp were some non-european international activists,
but they were no enough to represent the different perspectives and voices,
and some times they were also blocking the actions of the people inside
Pagani prison.
For us the most powerful action at the camp (outside of the camp were also
solidartity with our comrades in Rotterdam) powerful actions. was the
„revolt“ of the prisoners in Pagani. This was the strongest moment where
the direct affected spoke and act by their selves, and this was supported
just by a small group of activist at the first moment and then blocked,
because a revolt there „could be too dangerous for the prisoners“. Again
the activists know better what is better for „them“.
We should all remember that most of the migrants and refugees who arrived
Europe have a long hard way behind. They have achieved this without the
european activists. We have here more to learn and to listen from them. We
are supporters of their struggle, not their liberators.

No borders no nations!
Freedom of movement for everybody!


Anarchy 20.09.2009 - 18:39
Ich habe in Gesprächen mit griechischen AnarchistInnen eher verstanden, dass sie durchaus Kenntnis von der Planung des Camps hatten, sich aber selbst dagegen entschieden mit "Lefties" zusammenarbeiten. Außerdem gab´s noch die bekannte Kritik an einer Zusammenarbeit mit Mainstream Medien und die Angriffe auf anarchistische Zentren in Griechenland, die breite Solidarität erforderten. So wollten Prioritäten gesetzt werden.

Bei mir hat sich jedenfalls keiner der (lokalen aber auch einige zugereiste) AnarchistInnnen darüber beklagt, dass sie von den "Lefties" in die Planung nicht einbezogen worden sind.


Anarchist 21.09.2009 - 10:22
Den OrganisatorInnen des Camps ist es doch ganz in ihrem Sinne gelungen ihre "KritikerInnen" zu "befrieden" und zu lenken.

Gut funktioniert haben libertäre Strukturen vor allem dann, wenn sie in Arbeitsprozesse auf dem Camp eingebunden waren. Z.B. Vokü und Aushilfe am Infopoint und andere aktive Arbeit an der Infrastruktur. Darüberhinausgehend gab es zu wenig von unserer Seite.

Vom ersten Tag an hing am "Schwarzen Brett" ein von vielen gelesenes Informationsblatt von "Autonomen und AnarchistInnen" (deutsch und englisprachig), das bemängelte, dass AnarchistInnen aus Griechenland ausgeklammert würden. * (Anmerkung hierzu im Anhang)

Im letzten Satz wurde gefordert ein eigenes "autonomes, anarchistisches Plenum" zu installieren.

Niemand, weder die Menschen, die das Flublatt anś Schwarze Brett geheftet haben, noch die auf dem Camp anwesenden "Autonomen" (gibtś die eigentlich noch) haben die Forderung in die Tat umgesetzt. Handschriftlich war diesem Blatt die konkrete Frage zugefügt, wann und wo dieses Plenum denn stattfinden soll. Keiner von uns hat darauf reagiert. Hier müsste Selbstkritik ansetzten.

Der Fehler der lokalen AnarchistInnen war, dass sie erst sehr spät den direkten Kontakt zu Menschen auf dem Camp gesucht haben, die ihre Kritik an den "Lefties" teilen. Hier blieb dann nur die Eigeninitative, sich selbst zu bemühen mit ihnen in Gespräch zu kommen. Ein Hinterhertrotten auf Demos und anschließender Enttäuschung darüber, dass Erwartungshaltungen nicht erfüllt wurden, reicht nicht aus.

Auf Lesbos war soviel möglich, wenn die organisierten autonomen Gruppen ihre sinnvollen Ideen (z.B. offen gestaltes Pagani) nicht aufgegeben hätten, weil sie sich der früh zu erkennenden Machtstruktur der Antiras unterordnen.

Selbstorganisation ist sinnvoller, als sich in großen Plenum abzuarbeiten, dort zu spät die Machtstrukturen zu erkennen und nachher sehr viel Energie für den Nacharbeitungsdiskurs aufzuwenden.

Ob unsere eigenen Entscheidungsprozesse dann wirklich die hohen Kriterien erfüllt hätte oder ob es dort nicht auch wieder Cliquen mit höher Teilhabe am Entscheidungsprozess gegeben hätte? Wir werden es nie erfahren, obwohl Skepsis immer angebracht ist.

* Das Flugblatt wies leider einige inhaltliche Mängel auf. Wahrheitsgemäße haben sich viele AnarchistInnen bewusst aus eigener Entscheidung vom Camp zurückgezogen haben. Jegliche Zusammenarbeit mit "Diktio", den Lefties wurde von ihnen abgelehnt.Ihre Idee vor nicht allzulanger Zeit ein eigenes anarchistisches Camp auf Lesbos einzurichten wurde von den AnarchistInnen selbst aufgegeben. Das nur als Beispiel, dass auch Kritik nicht immer fundiert sein muss, selbst wenn sie uns als Insiderwissen angepriesen wird. Kann Kritik denn überhaupt "objektiv" sein, eine interessante Frage?

same bossesstructur noborder in ukraine 2007

reclaim noborder 22.09.2009 - 10:23
same bossesstructurs noborder in ukraine 2007

following articel shows how the bosses structurs of noborder camp in ukraine 2007 has been. some of german noborder ukraine bosses have been taking part again in noborder lesvos. maybe we should start a generally discussion about german noborder leaders?

in terms of reclaim the noborder back to non hierarchical non ngo and autonomous: FOR SOLİDARITY CRITICS and STOPP GOING ON this kind of NO BORDERS in the name of NOBORDERS!

answer to call for autonomous plenum

distributer 22.09.2009 - 16:19
answer for:

Anarchist 21.09.2009 - 10:22

you can not force people to have got a anarchist or autonomous plenum from the beginning on. the critical paper with the call for the plenum was distributed on the first day, but as you can read in the critic of autonomous people you need some time to understand who is who and who are the actors of the game about power.

just for the people which dont know anything about this paper, you can read it following.
it was send already in may over the lesvos no border preparation email lists as interest of people for preparation, but it was not answered by preparation lists, so the idea came up to date it up and distribute it at the camp with the call for an autonomous and anarchist plenum.

In Gefahr und hoechster Not bringt der Mittelweg den Tod- some questions about the noborder-camp in lesvos 2009 *
1. deutsch 2. english

Wir begrüßen ausdrücklich die Initiative, ein No-Border Camp auf der Insel Lesbos (Greece) vom 25.-31.August 2009 gegen die rassistische EU-Abschottungspolitik zu organisieren. Wir selbst begreifen uns als AnarchistInnen und Autonome, die in Erwägung zogen, nach Lesbos zu fahren und Anarchistinnen, Autonome, wesentliche Träger der Revolte in Griechenland, sind demzufolge logischerweise auch unsere ersten politischen Bezugspunkte dort. Unklar erscheint uns zur Zeit jedoch die Frage, inwieweit griech. Anarchistinnen an der Vorbereitung beteiligt sind und in welchem Ausmaße sie an dem Camp überhaupt teilnehmen werden. Für uns wäre die Teilnahme griech. Anarchistinnen schon sehr wichtig gewesen, nicht nur weil sie unser eigener Bezugspunkt sind, sondern auch, weil sei auch ein wichtiger Faktor anti-rassistischer Kämpfe, Konflikte und Auseinandersetzungen sind. Beginnend mit der hauptsächlich von AnarchistInnen organisierten Demo (4000 Leute) zu Migration während des EU-Gipfels in Thessaloniki 2003 zählen insbesondere nach/in der Revolte die Mobilisierungen und Aktionen gegen Oikomet und ISAP (Fall Kouneva *), die Besetzung des UNO-Büros für Flüchtlinge 2009, die Schaffung eines gemeinsamen Plenums von AnarchistInnen und Refugees sowie Mobilisierungen zur Ausländerbehörde in Petrou Ralli (Athen) usw. dazu. Interessanterweise gab es von Anarchistinnen selbst vor 1,5 Jahren die Idee, ein No-Border in Lesvos zu organisieren. Nicht unbedeutend sind allerdings die Grundvorraussetzungen der Zusammenarbeit zwischen einerseits den sog. gLeftiesg (wie z.B. Diktio, die eng verwoben mit dem parlamentarischen Linksbündnis Syriza und in der Camp-Orga sind) und andererseits den AnarchistInnen. Grundsätzlich, und das ist anders als in der BRD, wird bis auf wenige Ausnahmen nicht bzw. kaum zuammengearbeitet. Die Trennung ist strikter, die Übergänge weniger fließend als in der BRD - die Bündnispolitik ist aus sehr vielen unterschiedliechen Gründen sehr anders als hier in der BRD. Ein Wichtiger Punkt ist der Umgang mit Medien, diesen lehnen Griechische AnarchistInnen strikt ab. Das es manchmal allerdings gemeinsame Aktionen gibt, wie auf Demos oder auch z.B. die Besetzung der Athener ISAP-Zentrale im Dezember 2008, widerspricht nicht der grundsätzlichen Problematik der Bündnispolitik. Wohlwissend um diese Schwierigkeit stellen sich deshalb für uns einige ganz generelle Fragen:

War den Organisatorinnen bewußt, daß es aus dem anarchistischen Spektrum vor 1,5 Jahren auch die Idee gab, dort in Mitilini ein Noborder zu veranstalten ? Sind diese Gruppen von Anfang an miteingeladen und einbezogen worden ?
Ist den OrganisatorInnen, insbesondere den nicht-griechischen, die Problematik der Bündnispolitik, bewußt ? Was bedeutet unter Umständen keine Teilnahme von griech. AnarchistInnen, die ein wichtiger Träger der Revolte und antirassistischer Kämpfe sind, und das in einer Situation, in der es in Griechenland eine starke Bewegung gibt ?
Mit welchen Ziel und Zweck wird dann in anderen Ländern auch nicht explizit, aber auch – das autonome auch anarchistische Spektrum dort eingeladen ? Was könnte dies u.U. auch für die Politik und Aktionsformen bedeuten ?
st den OrganisatorInnen dann auch bewußt, daß die Zusammensetzung eines Grenzcamps in der BRD sich unter Umständen von dem in Lesbos unterscheiden könnte ? Was heißt das für das Camp ?
Wie wird ungefähr das Verhältnis griech- nicht griech. Teilnehmerinnen sein ?? Wie läuft die Mobilisierung in Greece ?

Wir hoffen, es fühlt sich niemand auf den Schlips getreten. Es geht es uns in erster Linie darum zu begreifen, warum evt. eine größe Gruppe, die unserer Meinung keinen unwichtigen Faktor in den derzeitigen Konflikten und Auseinandersetzungen in Greece spielt, evt. nicht teilnehmen wird. Auch geht es darum zu verstehen und transparent zu machen, daß Bündnispolitik in Greece aus ganz vielen unterschiedlichen scheinbar Gründen ganz anders funktioniert als in der BRD. Daran schließt sich dann die Frage an, was das konkret bedeutet und wie bzw. ob eine gemeinsames Camp in diesem Kontext noch vorstellbar erscheint ?? Für eine offene, angeregte und solidarische Diskussion.

An der Frage von Aktionsformen, am Kampf gegen die Verhaeltnisse und der umfassenden Verwirklichung von Freiheitskonzepten wird es immer Polarisierungen geben, zwischen denen, die erst mal abwarten wollen, die ein bisschen wollen statt alles, die den Weg des Reformismus gehen, die den Schritt nicht riskieren, tatsaechlich zu kaempfen und dann gibt es jene, die fuer systemueberwindende Politik, die nicht nur kosmetisch eingreifen moechten; die die Beseitigung der bestehenden Verhaeltnisse mit aller Phantasie, Liebe und Gewalt in ihre eigenen Haende nehmen- ohne sich in ein schon vorgefertigtes Korsett der Organisierung pressen zu lassen. In diesem Sinne fuer ein autonomes anarchistisches Plenum auf dem Camp!

AnarchistInnen und Autonome

Some questions about the noborder-camp august 2009 in Lesvos*.

We do embrace emphatically the initiative to organize a Noborder-Camp from august 25th to 31th 2009 on the island of Lesvos (Greece) against the racist policy of the fortress Europe. We define ourselves as anarchists and autonomists,who considered to take part in the Noborder in Lesvos. Therefore the anarchists from greece, who are a essential bearer (part)of the revolt, are logically our first political center of reference. Unclear for us right now seems the question, to what extent those greek anarchists are participating in the preparation of the Noborder and in what dimension they will take part in general. For us the participation of the anarchists would be quite important, not only because they are our first allies, but also because we see them as an significant factor of the ongoing anti-racist campaigns, struggles and resistance in greek society. During the EU-summit in 2003 in Thessaloniki they mainly organized a big demo on the issue of migration with 4000 people. Then recently during and after the revolt, actions and mobilizations against Oikomet and ISAP, regarding the case Kouneva*, as well as the occupation of the UN-office for refugees, demonstrations and rallies in front of the immigration-office (Petrou Ralli, Athina) and the implementation of a common meeting of refugees and anarchists are activities in which anarchist have been an important part of. The idea of organizing a Noborder in lesvos existed interestingly one and a half year ago by some anarchists. But - the basic precondition for collaboration between the so called "lefties" (for example Diktio, affiliated and linked with the parlamentary left coalition Syriza and co-organizer of the camp) and the anarchists is not inconsiderable and minor. Basically we do not or hardly experience a collaboration - and this differs from the situation in germany. In Greece the polical separation and division is more exact (strict), the transitions between them are less floating and fluent - the policy of alliances and collaboration is for many varying reasons very different from what is known in germany. One important reason of not organizing together is the different handling of medias, anarchists refuse totally working with official medias. Although we see admittedly sometimes common actions, like demonstrations or for example the occupation of the ISAP-building in Athina in december 2008, this does not contradict and dissent as a matter of principle to the fundamental difficulty of collaboration and common activities. Knowing full well about this problem and challenge some general questions arose to our mind:

Did the organizers knew about the plans by anarchists also to do a Noborder in mitilini one and half year
ago?Have those anarchist groups been invited and integrated all the way from the beginning ?
Do the organizers, especially the non-greeks, know about the difficulty and problematic of the collaboration ? What does it mean possibly under these circumstances, if the anarchists, important part of the revolt and antiracist struggles, will not participate and this actually in a moment, where we do experience a
strong movement in greece.?
What are the reasons, intentions and aims to invite - not explicitely but - also anarchist and autonomist from other countries ? What could that mean possibly for the politics and kind of actions for
the camp ?
Are the organizers aware about the possibility, that the composition and mixture of people attending such a noborder can be under these circumstances different from the ones in germany ? What does that suppose to mean for the camp ? How will be approximately the proportion of nongreek and greek participants at the noborder ? How is the mobilization running in greece ?

We hope no one will feel being stepped on his/her toes. Primarely we want to understand, why potentially a bigger group, which in our opinion plays a not unimportant factor/element of the current
ongoing struggles in greece will (maybe) not participate. Also we try to understand and we would like to make transparent(clear) for all, that the policy of collaboration in greece seems to work for many different reasons unlike as in germany. Attached and connected to this we would like to ask ourselve very concretely what this means and whether a common camp considering all this circumstances seems to be possible ? For an open, inspiring and solidary(fair) discussion.

There will always be polarizations evolving over the question of the forms of action, the fight against the present conditions and the comprehensive realization of concepts of freedom - between those, who would rather want to wait, who want a little bit instead of it all, who chose the way of reformism, who do not want to take the risk to really fight, and those, who want to intervene politically to overcome the system, not just for some cosmetics; who want to abolish the present conditions with all their fantasy, love and might - and with their own hands, not to be pressed into the pre-modeled corset of an organization. In this spirit we want to encourage an autonomous anarchist assembly on the camp.

anarchists and autonomist
*This text ( now it is a bit changed to fit better in the present time) was posted on the german email lists of those groups which called activists to the camp and where involved in the preparation of the camp, until now there was no proper discussion about this questions.
*Support of a organised fighting syndicalist with migrant background, which was attacked with acid

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